As it became known to Kommersant, the head of the internal security department (USB) of the TFR, Alexander Lamonov, who is one of the defendants in a high-profile criminal case on corruption in the Investigative Committee, appealed to open letter to Russian President Vladimir Putin. The colonel insists that he is an "honest officer" and asks the head of state to look into his criminal prosecution for taking a bribe from kingpin Zakhary Kalashov (Shakro Molodoy).

As Alexander Lamonov's lawyer Olga Lukmanova told Kommersant, the letter to Vladimir Putin has already been sent to the presidential administration. In his appeal (available to Kommersant), Mr. Lamonov indicates: according to the officers in charge of his criminal case investigative department The FSB knows that the investigation is under the control of the president, and therefore he decided to turn to the head of state. Colonel Lamonov specifically notes that he does not ask for any leniency, but only hopes for "objectivity and justice." It should be noted that, despite almost a year spent in custody, Alexander Lamonov is still an active officer of the TFR, who regularly transfers his salary to him.

According to Alexander Lamonov, operatives from the FSB department M, which specializes in combating corruption and is now responsible for operational support of a high-profile criminal case, “repeatedly visited him in the Lefortovo pre-trial detention center”. They allegedly demanded that the prisoner confess his guilt, “conclude a pre-trial agreement on cooperation and testify against other persons.” Mr. Lamonov does not specify who exactly he was supposed to testify against, but, obviously, we are talking about his accomplices: the former immediate supervisor - the head of the main department of interdepartmental cooperation and internal security of the ICR Mikhail Maksimenko and the deputy head of the Main Investigative Committee of the ICR in Moscow Denis Nikandrov, who are also in custody.

Mr. Lamonov claims that in case of refusal to cooperate, the Chekists promised to initiate new criminal cases against him, and, if he agreed, to soften the conditions of his detention or even release him from the pre-trial detention center. The officer with 25 years of experience in law enforcement refused the proposed scheme of cooperation. At the same time, Mr. Lamonov offers his version of the events around Shakro Molodoy and the bribery case. According to him, at the end of 2015, shortly after a shootout near the Elements restaurant on Rochdelskaya Street with the participation of Shakro’s people, ex-colonel of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Yevgeny Surzhikov came to him. According to Alexander Lamonov, earlier Mr. Surzhikov tried to get a job in the TFR. However, despite the state awards and participation in hostilities, he was not taken to the service, as the candidate failed the polygraph test. During the visit, Mr. Surzhikov spoke about the conflict on Rochdelskaya, during which he was present, but did not take part in the shootout (now the ex-officer is under investigation for extorting money from the owner of the restaurant).

“After his story, I was interested in this situation - why one side is under arrest, and the other side is under house arrest, although they also participated in all this, killed two people and wounded a few more,” writes Alexander Lamonov. According to him, he informed Mikhail Maksimenko and his deputy Nikolai Volkov about this, emphasizing that "the situation is dishonest, corruption is possible." At the same time, Mr. Lamonov received information that FSB officers and some civilians contacted the leadership of the Main Investigative Directorate of the ICR and even the head of the ICR, Alexander Bastrykin, asking him not to send him to a pre-trial detention center former employee law enforcement agencies lawyer Eduard Budantsev, who in the conflict on Rochdelskaya represented the interests of opponents of the thief in law. As a result, Budantsev, accused of the murder, ended up under house arrest, while his opponents from the Shakro group ended up in a pre-trial detention center.

“I received information from various sources,” the head of the CSS explained, noting that the leadership of the capital’s head office of the ICR had been warned that in the case of a shootout, it was necessary to strictly adhere to the law. At the same time, he soon became aware that someone “leaked information on the production of investigative actions to certain intermediaries, probably from the side of criminals (the people of Shakro Molodoy.- "b")". According to Mr. Lamonov, during one of his meetings with Denis Nikandrov, he asked whether it was possible to change the investigator in the case, to which he replied that he had already been changed, and the investigation had been transferred to another department. Later, the head of the CSS allegedly became aware that the people of Zakhary Kalashov were trying, through their connections in the TFR, to “solve the issue for money” about the release of Andrey Kochuykov (Italianets), who participated in the shooting near the restaurant, from Shakro Molodoy’s entourage. “I began to suspect all the heads of the Main Investigative Directorate of the ICR who were involved in this case,” Mr. Lamonov wrote, noting that he tried to get information from Mikhail Maksimenko, but “he knew nothing.” At the same time, the chief told him that he went to the leadership of the FSB unit “M”, and complained that their employees were putting pressure on the investigation. At the same time, Colonel Maksimenko allegedly offered to "retire" because the FSB men were "offended." Soon, Alexander Lamonov, according to his version, found out that a certain intermediary named Dima wanted to transfer money to the investigators for the release of the Italian. The head of the CSS remembered that Mikhail Maksimenko had such an acquaintance and suspected him.

“In order to get information on this situation, I decided to provoke Maksimenko into a conversation by misleading him that they allegedly gave me money,” Mr. Lamonov explained. The conversation took place and was even recorded. It is possible that this recording is now being used by the participants in the investigation in relation to the officers of the TFR - the FSB does not comment on this case. Later, Alexander Lamonov confessed to the boss of provocation, saying that there was no money and he did not communicate with Denis Nikandrov on such topics. In response, Mikhail Maksimenko scolded the head of the CSS, telling him that let the FSB operatives deal with the situation. “I am an honest officer and did not commit the crime that they are trying to accuse me of,” says Colonel Lamonov.

Recall that Messrs. Maksimenko, Lamonov and Nikandrov were arrested on charges of receiving a bribe of €500,000 from Zakhary Kalashov in July 2016. None of them pleaded guilty. However, later, as Kommersant reported, Mikhail Maksimenko was charged with taking several more bribes, but from other people.

News, 14:43 20.04.2018

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Ex-head of the CSS of the ICR Maksimenko received 13 years in prison for corruption

Context

MOSCOW, April 20 - RAPSI, Nikolai Merkulov.

"Find Maksimenko guilty of taking two bribes and sentence him to 13 years' imprisonment in a strict regime colony and a fine of 165 million rubles," judge Oleg Muzychenko said.

The court also deprived Maksimenko of the rank of Colonel of Justice and the right to hold positions. public service for 3 years.

During the debate of the parties, the prosecution asked that Maksimenko be sentenced to 15 years in prison in a strict regime colony with a fine of 165 million rubles.

accusation

Maksimenko was detained in the summer of 2016, along with two other high-ranking officials of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation - Deputy Head of the Main Investigative Directorate of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation for the city of Moscow, General Denis Nikandrov, and Deputy Head of the ICR Directorate of Security Alexander Lamonov. All three were accused of taking a bribe of 500 thousand euros from the alleged thief in law Zakhary Kalashov, also known in the criminal world as Shakro Molodoy. According to investigators, for this money, high-ranking investigators were supposed to mitigate the charge and contribute to the release from the pre-trial detention center of another alleged "criminal authority" - Andrey Kochuykov, nicknamed "Italian".

Subsequently, a second criminal case was initiated against Maksimenko on taking a bribe in the amount of 500 thousand dollars, which was separated into a separate proceeding and taken to court. The briber on this charge was Oleg Sheykhametov, an entrepreneur associated with the restaurant business.

Maksimenko was also accused of taking a bribe in the amount of $50,000 from the St. Petersburg businessman Badri Shengelia, for which, according to the prosecution, the ex-head of the ICR’s CSS was supposed to help initiate a criminal case against the St. Petersburg police for stealing the entrepreneur’s expensive watch.

According to the indictment, Maksimenko committed two crimes under Part 6 of Article 290 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (taking a bribe on an especially large scale) from businessmen Sheykhametov and Shengelia.

The debate of the parties was held behind closed doors.

Senior Witnesses

During the consideration of the criminal case on the merits, the court read out the testimony of Sheykhametov, which confirmed the version of the prosecution about the transfer of 500 thousand dollars for the release from the Italian pre-trial detention center.

The court also interrogated former colleagues of Maksimenko - the former deputy head of the former head of the CSS of the ICR Lamonov, who entered into a pre-trial agreement, and General Nikandrov. During the consideration of the case, testimony was also heard from other high-ranking investigators.

In March, the court interrogated Alexander, the head of the Moscow head office of the Investigative Committee, as a witness, who denied the possibility of Maksimenko's participation in a corruption scheme to release Kochuykov from the pre-trial detention center.

“He had no authority, since any action in this case was endorsed by the FSB. How do you imagine that?” Drymanov said.

Defense Position

Maksimenko did not admit the accusation of taking bribes, saying that he considered his former deputy Lamonov's confession of taking a bribe from Sheykhametov to be official.

According to Maksimenko, he conducted a covert check, talking with other investigators on this matter.

Maksimenko also denied the accusation in the second episode, as well as the words of Roman Polozaev, the head of the ORC No. 5 of the Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for St. Petersburg, about the desire of the accused to control the activities of the St. Petersburg IC.

Maksimenko's defense and the defendant himself asked the court to issue a verdict of not guilty, since there is no evidence in the case that the ex-head of the ICR's ICR was involved in his crimes. Maksimenko said that there was no confirmation of his receipt of bribes in the case file, no money was found with him, and he would not be able to spend such a significant amount so quickly. Opportunity to get cash from Shengelia, according to the defense, was refuted by billing mobile phone and the lack of meetings of the accused in St. Petersburg.

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The Moscow City Court sentenced Mikhail Maksimenko, former head of the Department of Internal Security of the RF IC, to 13 years in prison and a fine of 165 million rubles for taking bribes on an especially large scale, a RAPSI correspondent reports from the courtroom.

14:43 20.04.2018

How will it look like:

Our country's own security department is a separate structure within the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation. If we talk about the history of appearance, then the date of foundation of this supervisory unit can be considered the middle of the 90s of the last century (December 9, 1995). It was then that, on behalf of the President (Yeltsin), a special order was issued, according to which the Department of Internal Security under the Main Directorate of our state appeared in the capital.

The composition of the department

Since 2004, the Main Directorate of Internal Security changed its status and became known as the Department. However, its original name has been preserved in everyday life.

The structure of the CSS is quite extensive and includes the Department, as well as the Office for its own and Moscow region. However, the huge territorial extent and the number of employees in the department required the creation of additional units. In each territorial district of the capital there is a Department of its own security, which allows covering the maximum number of employees of the department.

Tasks of CSS

Initially, the creation of such a separate structure was caused by the need to stop corrupt activities within the departments of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Today, the Department of Homeland Security solves the following tasks:

• identification of unscrupulous employees in the ranks of the police;
• the impossibility of introducing persons pursuing criminal goals into the ranks of employees of the department, as well as their timely detection;
• conducting large-scale preventive and educational work to prevent facts of corruption or other abuses.

In addition, the Department of Internal Security is called upon to provide state protection for employees of investigative bodies and their families.

How the Department works

Our own security service not only conducts internal checks and investigations, regularly carries out departments, but also carefully analyzes information received from the population. To do this, there are public receptions, hot telephone lines, portals on the Internet.

Contacting the Department of Internal Security is quite simple: a citizen just needs to call or write an appeal indicating violations, facts of corruption or manifestations of dishonest work of employees of the department.

USB results

As the statistics of the Department show, over the years of its existence, the employees of the service have revealed a truly frightening number of crimes within the department. Despite the somewhat skeptical attitude of many citizens, the service operates effectively and rather harshly, although there are no exceptions when violators of the law manage to escape punishment. Some experts attribute this to the so-called "corporate guarantee", which can be observed, for example, in medicine. Others often talk about the lack of activity and inattention of the citizens themselves to the obvious facts of violations or corruption.

Tuesday, July 19, staff Federal Service security forces conducted searches and seizure of documents in the capital's department of the Investigative Committee. FSB operatives detained Mikhail Maksimenko, head of the Department for Interdepartmental Cooperation and Internal Security of the Russian Investigative Committee. According to information voiced by several Russian media, the detentions are connected with the case of thief in law Zakhary Kalashov, known as Shakro Young. Kalashov was detained by the FSB on July 11, 2016 in Moscow. According to the Kommersant newspaper, a total of seven high-ranking officials of the Investigative Committee are involved in the case. Last night, the Lefortovo Court of Moscow took into custody for a period of two months the head of the CSS IC Maksimenko, his deputy Alexander Lamonov and the first deputy head of the Moscow department of the IC Denis Nikandrov. Investigators of the UK were removed from the case; he is entirely engaged in the subordinates of Alexander Bortnikov.

In the apparatus wars of the security forces, the FSB and the Investigative Committee often acted together, but after yesterday's arrests in the building of the Investigative Committee on the Arbat, hardly anyone will have any doubts about the elder in this tandem. The coalition cooperation of the Investigative Committee and the FSB in the struggle for influence with the Prosecutor General's Office, the defeat of the top of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, the joint arrests of governors and mayors of large cities could not provide immunity to high-ranking officials of the Investigative Committee.

Mikhail Maksimenko, who is responsible for his own security in the Investigative Committee, is called the “right hand” of the head of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation, Alexander Bastrykin. The detention and initiation of a criminal case against the head of the internal security department of the Investigative Committee, according to the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Russian Federation, must be agreed personally with the head of the Investigative Committee. However, Bastrykin was silent all day, and this suggests that the searches and arrests were a complete surprise for the country's chief investigator.

Everything points to the fact that the head of the Investigative Committee was confronted with a fact and made clear to him that the detention of people from his inner circle was coordinated with Vladimir Putin.

Several versions of what happened are being discussed in the public space:

Version 1. A gift to Bastrykin.

Those who even half-heartedly follow the political agenda understand that the fate of Alexander Bastrykin, about which Dmitry Peskov hastened to speak, depends primarily on his personal connection with the president. Classmates of Vladimir Putin, who reached heights in the bureaucratic hierarchy, after the scandals, not only were not thrown off the bureaucratic Olympus, but they were helped in every possible way to settle down more comfortably on it. Fans of conspiracy theories can regard the detentions as a hardware strike against Bastrykin, and even inflicted a week before the professional holiday - the Day of the investigating officer Russian Federation which is celebrated on July 25th. Those who counted loud scandal message about the imminent resignation of the head of the Investigative Committee, they probably began to talk about his successor from among the deputies or employees of other law enforcement agencies. However, this seems at least premature.

Version 2. New broom in the FSB.

Apparently, a significant role in this case is played not by the internal apparatus game within the Investigative Committee, but by rotation in a parallel law enforcement structure. Most recently, on July 8, 2016, Vladimir Putin replaced the head of the Service economic security FSB: Sergei Korolev, who previously headed the FSB's own security department, became it. It is the structure of the SEB FSB that includes the “M” department, which is responsible for coordinating and checking personnel, identifying corrupt officials in the ranks of law enforcement agencies, including the Investigative Committee. It is obvious that the new SEB team, endowed with a credit of trust from the leadership, initiates criminal cases against high-ranking security officials, thus showing the new rules for interaction between the FSB and other law enforcement agencies. Partnership conditions in such interaction are simply not provided.

Version 3. Personal conflict.

It is necessary to pay attention to one more detail: General of the Investigative Committee Mikhail Maksimenko, who was taken into custody, himself worked for a long time as deputy head of the “M” department and probably had a complete understanding of how operational measures should be carried out in relation to law enforcement officers. However, this did not save him. One can assume the existence of a personal conflict between Maksimenko and former colleagues. According to information published in Moskovsky Komsomolets, the reason for this conflict was the non-extension of the term of detention of one of the criminal authorities, who had previously been detained by FSB operatives on the initiative of the head of the Internal Security Service of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation. If this version is correct, then it is quite possible that the FSB is simply restoring order in its area of ​​responsibility and this story has only an indirect relation to the fight against corruption.

Whichever of the three (and if we take into account the official, even four) versions turns out to be correct, we consider the following to be important.

It does not really matter how the fate of Bastrykin himself will turn out. It is significant that the institutional weight of the Investigative Committee has now noticeably decreased.

It looks as if Bastrykin could not protect people from his inner circle, which means that the rest of the employees of the Investigative Committee in the event of an interdepartmental conflict cannot hope for a favorable outcome either. The day before, the arrested generals of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation were still sitting together at a meeting with the head of the department for interaction with the media General Markin at the same table, and today he contemptuously calls them "so-called colleagues." The higher ranks of the Investigative Committee understand that each of them can come, and everyone can end up behind bars - regardless of the weight of the apparatus and proximity to the head of the Investigative Committee.

Not so long ago, the head of the Investigative Committee proposed to collect all the investigative powers in the same hands (of his own department), and this idea then seemed more than realistic. Now, after the defeat, the super-investigation looks like castles in the air from Alexander Ivanovich Bastrykin's sensitive investigator's dream. A dream that will never come true.